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Private law firms can do some pro bono work, but it is usually not for clients who can pay," Michael Gerhardt, a constitutional law professor at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, said in an email. "Here, the client is a paying one." Cooper's bills came primarily from two firms: Manatt, Phelps and Phelps, retained to help examine the options to expand Medicaid, and the North Carolina firm Brooks Pierce. A handful of employees with Brooks Pierce, which worked on Cooper's separation of powers suit, donated a few thousand dollars to Republican candidates in 2016 and 2017. During that same period, lawyers with the firm donated at least $89,000 to Cooper, the state Democratic Party and other Democratic candidates, according to campaign finance records. Brooks Pierce partner Jim Phillips, who has represented the Governor's Office in the case, was one of Cooper's transition co-chairs. In a statement, Porter said Brooks Pierce is one of the state's top law firms and employs lawyers of both political parties to work on state cases. Gerhardt said it's not unusual for governors on both sides of the aisle to pick lawyers they trust – and it may be impractical to avoid the practice. Even so, Gerhardt said, "'Is this how business is usually done in Raleigh?' is a fair question." For their part, legislative leaders saw their own big legal bills in 2017. Records show outside law firms charged them more than $3 million in 2017 for a variety of cases, including voter ID and transgender bathroom access. About half of that total – $1.4 million – went to redistricting cases. Those figures are about on par with annual spending since 2015, when legal costs hit a record high at the General Assembly. Gerhardt doesn't necessarily attribute that spike in legal fees to a growing political divide. Instead, he said, it may be more of a combination of already existing distrust and the lack of specific knowledge among the staff attorneys at the Attorney General's Office.

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